In fact, neither of Mr. Gallant’s dramatic interventions have actually stopped the policies he criticized. He was, and continues to be, a key figure in the government that brought Israel to this point, a situation underscored last month when the chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Court called for his arrest on suspicion of war crimes and crimes against humanity, including using starvation as a weapon of war. The prosecutor also sought warrants for Mr. Netanyahu and three Hamas leaders. The world’s international courts don’t see Yoav Gallant as a whistle-blower, but as an architect of Israel’s policies.
Israel is facing a stark choice about its future, and Mr. Gallant stands to play a critical role in the path it takes. Does he represent a genuine alternative to the populist leadership that is threatening to turn Israel into a pariah state, as he has seemed to in these key moments? Or, as his track record also suggests, does he in fact represent the status quo?
Many Israeli Jews hope Mr. Gallant will push Israel toward this alternate path.
The course of the war will also determine which path Israel eventually takes. On Friday, President Biden said he had endorsed a “comprehensive new proposal” by Israel for a cease-fire and hostage release, although the prospects for the plan are uncertain, as are the possible consequences of Biden’s proposals for the stability of Netanyahu’s coalition.
Mr. Gallant, 65, built his first career in the heartland of the Israeli military establishment. He was born in Jaffa, close to the sea, and when he was drafted for mandatory military service in 1976, joined Flotilla 13, the Israeli Navy’s elite commando unit. Elite military units in Israel can be compared to America’s Ivy League colleges. Soldiers must meet arduous requirements to enter and remain. The unit forms their identity and establishes communities for decades to come, and children often follow parents into special units, as did Mr. Gallant’s son.
Mr. Gallant rose to become the Flotilla 13 commander. More promotions followed. In 2002, he became military secretary for Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, and a few years later, the head of Israel’s Southern Command. He was tapped in 2010 to become Israel’s next military chief of staff. But media reports of alleged land-use irregularities regarding his opulent villa cost him the coveted job. He was later partly cleared of charges, though legal wrangling over fines went on for years with little public interest.
